Author: Tsimaenko Tetyana Dmitrivna Position: teacher of labor education.

Author: Tsimaenko Tetyana Dmitrivna Position: teacher of labor education.

The most important manifestations of this are the inability of the authorities to ensure the stability and economic progress of society, the loss of the state’s monopoly on legitimate violence. These phenomena are closely related. Public authorities, which do not have a monopoly on violence, are often unable to perform their tasks effectively. There are various centers of power in society that use violent means to fight each other. Public authorities are unable to ensure political stability, integration of society. As a result, the normal political process is disrupted by riots, uprisings and other forms of political violence.

In general, violence is the antithesis of humanism and morality, because it means actions against man and his dignity. Systematic use of violence destroys the moral foundations of society, people’s common life, solidarity, trust, legal relations, and so on. At the same time, due to the imperfection of man himself, as well as the forms of his collective life, society cannot completely eliminate any violence and is forced to use force in order to limit it and stop it.

For many centuries, violence has been the most important way to resolve acute social disputes, their reverse side, especially in relations between peoples. Politicians who do not have a moral culture, humane beliefs, it seems the most effective and very attractive method of achieving their goals, as it is able to physically eliminate the enemy.

The “justification” for violence has at least two grounds. The first of them is the natural or purposeful formation of the image of the enemy. As M. Berg writes, “a stranger, another, incomprehensible” is the simplest, naive, but tested object for hatred “[4, p. 52].

The second ground is related to the first and is the result of the work of ideologues. Human aggression needs a way out, but a person is satisfied only with “holy hatred”, “righteous anger”, “righteous thirst for blood.” It needs a noble substantiation of its impulses, a textbook image of the enemy, the need for which is satisfied by the developed institution of state ideology. With the help of ideological suggestion, self-consciousness is formed, which perceives the socio-historical reality in a black-and-white image: one’s own is the quintessence of good, one’s own is the concentration of evil. On this basis, as a rule, there are double standards: violence is justified and even glorified against “strangers” and victims of violence perceive it as a crime.

Can violence play a positive role in politics and be justified? This question cannot be answered unequivocally. Some researchers believe that violence cannot be argued ethically, and “the statement of the inevitability and inviolability of violence becomes its justification” [2, p. eleven]. Others are convinced that the struggle in society, violence have certain limits and can be justified only insofar as they ensure the implementation of universal laws and moral norms derived from them. Within this framework, the struggle and violence seem to exceed the limits of permissible defense and become immoral.

Obviously, the assessment of violence in terms of its morality depends on specific historical circumstances. Violence is justified only when there is a political struggle against the autocratic regime and there are no legal opportunities for the opposition to act. In addition, violence can be considered fair in the event of unprovoked armed aggression from the outside, in the suppression of armed rebellion and other acts of violence aimed at overthrowing the democratic state system.

In any case, violence must be severely legally and morally limited. First, it must be carried out in accordance with democratically enacted laws; secondly, it should be directed directly against the subjects of violent actions and should not be accompanied by the elimination of fundamental rights and freedoms; third, nasiIt should not go beyond universal morality.

It is hardly possible to eliminate violence completely. The question is different: what should society do to reduce its manifestations to the lowest possible level, not to allow violence to take over society, to become the predominant form of human relations.

literature

Gubin VD Russian culture and the phenomenon of violence // Questions of philosophy. – 1995. – No. 5. – P. 3 – 5. Huseynov AA Moral demagoguery as a form of apology of violence // Questions of philosophy. – 1995. – No. 5. – P. 5 – 12. Huseynov AA Ethics of nonviolence // Questions of philosophy. – 1992. – No. 3. – P. 72 – 82. Zaytsev AK Social conflict. – M .: Academia, 2000. – 464 pp. Political science: Encyclopedic dictionary / General. ed. and comp.: Yu. I. Averyanov. – Moscow: Moscow Publishing House. commercial University, 1993 .– 431 p.

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